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Homophobe blocked abomination gay adoption then molested five kids

Butch Kimmerling admitted molesting four other children during a parole hearing related to his sente..

Butch Kimmerling admitted molesting four other children during a parole hearing related to his sentence for molesting foster daughter Ashley Peterson

Butch Kimmerling admitted molesting four other children during a parole hearing related to his sentence for molesting foster daughter Ashley Peterson (Pictures: WISH)

A homophobe who successfully blocked a gay man adopting after calling homosexuality an abomination has admitted molesting five children.

Butch Kimmerling, 71, made the twisted admission during a parole hearing Tuesday, and even revealed his disgusting sexual preference for children aged eight to ten.

Kimmerling, of Indianapolis, Indiana, admitted abusing four children at a hearing to decide whether he should stay in jail after being released 16 years into a 40 year sentence.

The child molester was freed in 2016 but hauled back to jail for leaving Halloween candy on his doorstep last October, despite being warned not to do so.

Kimmerling breached his parole on two further occasions after having unauthorized contact with a minor when buying a discount card off a schoolboy.

Kimmerling would target Ashley at this bedroom in his Indianapolis home

Kimmerling would target Ashley at this bedroom in his Indianapolis home (Picture: KAIT)

He also made a will online last month, breaching a condition barring him from using the internet without permission.

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Hypocritical Kimmerling shot to infamy in 1998 when he successfully fought Craig Petersons attempt to adopt his foster daughter, eight year-old Ashley Peterson.

The disgraced bus driver vowed that Ashley should not be placed with Peterson because of his homosexuality.

He told KAIT: I am a Christian, I believe in Gods word, and he says its an abomination.

He successfully sought to adopt Ashley himself, but was exposed as a pedophile who had been molesting her less than a year later.

Craig Peterson was blocked from becoming Ashley's dad because of his sexuality, but was allowed to adopt her after Kimmerling's sexual abuse was exposed

Craig Peterson was blocked from becoming Ashleys dad because of his sexuality, but was allowed to adopt her after Kimmerlings sexual abuse was exposed (Picture: KAIT)

Kimmerling issued a sniveling apology to his wife Sandy, son and daughter-in-law at the end of Tuesdays hearing.

He said: I know that what I did was wrong.

Im sorry I did it.

And I know that as long as I have the backing that Ive got from my family this will never happen again.

Kimmerling admitted four felony counts of child molestation in 2000, with Ashley, who waived her right to anonymity, sayinRead More – Source

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Rory Stewarts performance in the Tory leadership election should trouble Boris Johnson

Boris Johnson cruised to victory in the third ballot of Conservative MPs, while Rory Stewart crashed..

Boris Johnson cruised to victory in the third ballot of Conservative MPs, while Rory Stewart crashed out, losing the support of ten of his colleagues to finish with just 27 votes. It's down to just Johnson, Jeremy Hunt, Michael Gove and Sajid Javid on 54, 51 and 38 votes respectively.

There has been plenty of muttering about tactical voting and the dark arts of Team Johnson by some of his opponents (and indeed by some of his allies). Did some of his followers vote for Stewart in order to shut out Dominic Raab and make sure that Johnson went into the contest's closing stages as the only pukka supporter of no-deal in the race?

It's perfectly respectable for political operatives to turn themselves into legends and Gavin Williamson, Johnson's de facto chief whip in this campaign, has done plenty of that in his career. But the blunt truth is that Raab was done and doomed regardless of how well Stewart did — he had just 27 votes, six short of the required number to make it into the third ballot. Johnson eliminated Raab himself by bagging the endorsements of Andrea Leadsom and Esther McVey, and the majority of their supporters into the bargain.

The maths simply aren't there for a conspiracy: Matt Hancock's 20 supporters largely backed Stewart in the second ballot and a good-sized chunk of them abandoned him in the third after he failed to fire in the BBC debate. That really is all there is to it.

There may well be tactical voting today by Team Johnson, however. This is the last day of the parliamentary stage of the contest and Johnson has the support to choose his preferred opponent, be it Jeremy Hunt, Michael Gove or Sajid Javid. All things being equal, Hunt and Gove will take the lion's share of Stewart's supporters and then duke it out for Javid's backers.

But what really matters about this stage of the contest isn't which candidate gets the fun task of travelling round the country being beaten by Boris Johnson but that even after his disappointing performance in the BBC TV debate, Stewart was able to get the votes of 27 of his colleagues. The likes of David Gauke, one of the government's most competent ministers and arguably the most effective prison reformer for decades, were willing to publicly endanger their own careers to stand up and back the candidate offering no-holds-barred opposition to Johnson. Frankly, anyone who thinks that Gauke and the rest of the 27 will stand idly by while a no-deal Brexit happens is kidding themselves. That means that Johnson's supposed electability, the heart of his pitch to MPs, will be tested sooner rather than later.

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Boris Johnson storms ahead as Rory Stewart crumbles in third Conservative ballot

Boris Johnson has further extended his lead among Conservative MPs (winning 143 votes), while Rory S..

Boris Johnson has further extended his lead among Conservative MPs (winning 143 votes), while Rory Stewarts campaign has ended in a poor fifth place, after he lost ten votes over the course of a single day, finishing with just 27 in the third ballot. Jeremy Hunt clung on to second place with 54 votes, while Michael Gove finished just behind with 51. Still in the race, but only just, is fourth-placed Sajid Javid.

That Stewarts campaign failed to last the day is not a surprise. The support of Dominic Raab, who was eliminated yesterday and was largely supported by candidates from the partys right who want the hardest of possible Brexits, was always going to flow to candidates other than him. Stewart had reached what one MP dubbed “peak wet”: there werent any MPs left who share Stewarts politics who werent already backing him.

It would have been highly surprising had he managed to survive this ballot, given that Javid, who finished narrowly behind him in the last ballot, was well-placed to pick up support from committed free marketeers who had backed Raab. More surprising is that Stewart wasnt able to hold onto all of the support he amassed in the second ballot.

That is the subject of some conspiracy theories among supporters of Raab, who believe that Stewart was lent support to keep their candidate off the ballot. But Raab would have been eliminated no matter how well Stewart did: he failed to win enough support to clear the 33-MP threshold. What instead appears to have happened is that Stewarts failure to break through in last night's televised debate, and the harsh reality that he was likely to be eliminated, caused some of his supporters to peel off and back another candidate.

The problem for Javid, however, is that just as Stewart was fishing in hostile waters in this round, it is hard to see how he can make up enough ground to overtake Hunt or Gove and survive the next ballot. Stewart's supporters will likely dissipate in three directions: some will back Hunt, regarded as the most moderate candidate left. Others will back Gove due to their concern that the other candidates are not alive to the risks posed to the Union between England and Scotland. And some are flirting with the idea that Javid might be able to spring a surprise and defeat Johnson in the members' ballot that follows the parliamentary rounds.

The reality, however, is that Johnson is well ahead, and even if he hasnt yet used that huge lead to shape the field to his advantage, he will be able to do so in the coming days.

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In choosing Boris Johnson, Conservative MPs are making a big bet on their future

Boris Johnsons appeal to Conservative MPs is based on two fronts: electability and inevitability.

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Boris Johnsons appeal to Conservative MPs is based on two fronts: electability and inevitability.

On the first front, the former mayor of London argues that he is a proven winner who has what it takes to turn the partys fortune around, to put Nigel Farage out of business and then to see off Jeremy Corbyn. Thats what one MP describes as the “soft sell”, often but not always made after a visit to their constituency, where the Johnson magic can be observed at close quarters.

The second front is the hard sell: the former foreign secretarys march to Downing Street cannot be stopped, and MPs are invited to consider how unpleasant they might find life on the wrong side of a vengeful prime minister. That approach is usually made by one of Johnsons lieutenants, and MPs who have experienced it have compared it to everything from a visit from the bailiffs to a close encounter with the Mafia.

The case for inevitability looks watertight. Its not just that Johnson is the preferred candidate of the partys activist base, and has been for a prolonged period. More importantly, none of the candidates who have challenged him for the leadership has seemed capable of preventing him from becoming party leader and thus prime minister. Jeremy Hunt and Sajid Javid have circled him cautiously, their punches pulled in order to avoid being exiled after Johnsons victory. After his betrayal of Johnson in 2016, Michael Gove is too distrusted by both Conservative activists and MPs to be an effective advocate for the case against the former London mayor. Its a measure of how suspicious Tory MPs have become of Goves motives that during the contest I have heard them speculate that he is secretly orchestrating the campaigns of Dominic Raab, Matt Hancock and Rory Stewart in a bid eventually to seize the leadership for himself.

Raabs candidacy could have, in theory, presented the most dangerous challenge to Johnson. Like Johnson, Raab resigned from the cabinet in protest against Theresa Mays Brexit deal, and his previous career bringing war criminals to trial and his libertarian streak should have given him the ability to fight a campaign that appealed to MPs beyond the partys Brexit ultras. But his campaign never managed to strike a note beyond shrill Brexitism, which condemned him to a humiliating early exit.

Matt Hancock, the Health Secretary, spoke frankly and aggressively about Johnsons shortcomings, only to endorse him after pulling out of the contest. That dismayed his supporters and, more troublingly for Hancocks long-term political future, he failed to persuade a majority of them to follow him in backing Johnson.

Rory Stewarts frankness and willingness to attack the frontrunner directly won him the acclaim of much of the left and liberal press and, more importantly, the support of a group in the parliamentary party prepared to ignore the implicit threat of revenge under a Johnson premiership. But the messy, chaotic format of the BBCs television debate on 18 June, the last chance for the chasing pack to change the tone of the race, meant that neither Stewart, nor the rest of Johnsons rivals, had a real opportunity to attack the frontrunner and transform the contest. That missed opportunity represented the final end of any serious hope that Johnson might be defeated.

So Johnsons hard sell that he is bound to win and MPs would be wise to fall in line is near-unimpeachable. But that so many MPs are willing not only to defy the hard sell but in some cases to endorse the full-on resistance of Stewart is a sign that the other pillar of Johnsons appeal to Conservative MPs – his electability – may be tested sooner rather than later.

The worrying news for Tory MPs is that the argument that Johnson is electable is a lot harder to sustain than the one that he is inevitable. The Conservative Party has two major problems: the votes it is losing to the Brexit Party all over the country, and the votes it is losing to the Liberal Democrats, largely in the south-west and in London.

The long-term solution is easy enough: first deliver Brexit, then spend the time until the next election reassuring Remain voters that their worst fears have not come true. The problem is that Brexit cannot be delivered by this parliament – which means a general election. (more…)

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